Religious and Spiritual Struggles Among Transgender And Gender-Nonconforming Adults

Authors: Julie J. Exline, Amy Przeworski, Emily K. Peterson, Margarid R. Turnamian,
Nick Stauner, & Alex Uzdavines

Publication Journal: Psychology of Religion and Spirituality, 13(3), 2021

This 2021 study dives into the unique challenges faced by transgender and gender-nonconforming (TGNC) individuals on the topic of religion and spirituality. The researchers surveyed 305 TGNC adults, mostly from North America and Western Europe, with an average age of about 31. Nearly 90% identified as Caucasian, and most lived in the United States. Participants shared a variety of gender identities, with 41.6% identifying as nonbinary, while others described themselves as transgender men, transgender women, gender fluid, genderqueer, agender, and more.

One of the standout findings is just how many TGNC individuals left organized religion. Over half (58%) of those who were once religious, primarily Christian, had since left their faith. Only 13.8% identified themselves as currently part of a religious community, with many shifting toward atheist, agnostic, or spiritual practices like Wicca or paganism. These rates of disaffiliation are significantly higher than what’s seen in the general population.

Interestingly, those who held onto their belief in God often didn’t feel that God disapproved of their gender identity, which may have made it easier to keep their faith. However, some did struggle with the idea that God might disapprove of them or that God caused and then condemned their gender identity, leading to greater emotional and spiritual conflict.

Rejection from religious communities was a common experience, with 54% of previously religious participants reporting feeling excluded or unwelcome. This rejection exacerbated gender minority stress (stressors that gender minorities experience due to stigma, prejudice, and violence) – like internalized transphobia or fear of social rejection. On top of that, many wrestled with identifying a sense of purpose and meaning in their lives, which is not uncommon for religious disaffiliates. Notably, lacking purpose and meaning was linked to greater gender minority stress. This suggests that fostering a sense of purpose and meaning may be a crucial factor in mitigating gender minority stress, particularly for individuals who have experienced rejection from religious communities

This study is novel in its focus on TGNC individuals, a group often overlooked in research on religion and spirituality (much of the religious research on demographic subpopulations emphasizes sexual orientation minorities rather than gender identity minorities). It sheds light on the dual challenge faced by TGNC individuals who may experience a double “coming out”— as TGNC and as a religious disaffiliate, as well as the associated rejection from one or both identities. By addressing the unique struggles tied to gender identity and religion, this research deepens our understanding of the psychological impacts of disaffiliation among this population. To close out this synthesis, here’s a question to consider: How has your gender identity or expression influenced your experience of religious belief or religious exit? Feel free to reply all to share your experience with the group!

 

Q&A with the Author: Dr. Julie Exline

Q: What motivated you to pursue this research?

A: As a psychologist of religion and spirituality, I’ve been studying spiritual struggles for many years. Over the past decade I’ve become especially interested in studying these struggles among people who identified as LGBTQIA+. Having been raised in a very conservative church, I saw firsthand how biblical interpretations and community norms often made these individuals feel judged and excluded. My colleague Amy Przeworski and her graduate students were beginning a large survey project on TGNC individuals and invited me to collaborate.

Q: Were there any findings you would highlight?

A: I found it striking to see the massive levels of religious exiting among our TGNC participants. For example, 206 participants reported that they were raised as Christians, but only 40 still held a Christian affiliation. These findings fit with other recent data suggesting that many people are leaving religion because of their religious communities’ stances on LGBTQ issues (see, e.g., https://baptistnews.com/article/i-asked-people-why-theyre-leaving-christianity-and-heres-what-i-heard/).

TGNC individuals reported more spiritual struggles if they felt a sense of disapproval or rejection from their religious communities or from God. These spiritual struggles, in turn, were linked with more gender minority stress.

Q: Were there any findings that surprised you?

A: As mentioned above, we had expected to see high levels of religious exiting but were still surprised by the sheer number of participants who had left religion.

Q: Given that most participants identified as Caucasian, do you think that that reflects the demographics of the TGNC community or community of religious disaffiliates? What are the challenges of engaging a more diverse constituency and some ways we can increase diversity in religious disaffiliation research?

A: The question about the demographics of TGNC individuals and religious disaffiliates is so important–but unfortunately a little outside my wheelhouse.

Clearly, it’s always important to try to move beyond samples that are overrepresented in psychology studies (e.g., majority white, U.S.-born, Christian, cisgender, with sexual orientations that are heteronormative). Sometimes this might require special, purposive sampling–and often the types of large, representative surveys that sociologists do or else more in-depth qualitative research looking at diverse groups of individuals, to get a sense of how their diverse identities might intersect.

 

Q: What were the main challenges/limitations you encountered when conducting your research?

A: It was challenging to recruit a large number of TGNC individuals. We wanted to ask so many questions that we needed to create a long survey, which may have been tiring for some participants. Given that so many of our participants had left religion, we would have liked to attract a larger sample of participants who still had some engagement with religion.

Q: How might future research build on your findings?

A: We would love to see (or do) multi-method studies where open-ended questions or interview methods could be used alongside numeric survey questions, so that we could get a richer sense of people’s spiritual struggles. It’s likely that many people had struggles that we couldn’t capture well with our limited set of survey questions.

We would also like to see more work on positive spiritual or religious experiences among TGNC individuals: What spiritual or religious beliefs, practices, or communities have they found


Should I stay or should I go? Religious (dis)affiliation and depressive symptomology


Matthew May’s study explores how different types of religious affiliation—or disaffiliation—correlate with depressive symptoms over time. Research suggests that only about one-third of people who consider leaving a religion actually do. What happens to the other two-thirds?

Using data from 2006-2012 derived from the PALS study, which tracks 2,610 American adults, May identifies distinct mental health patterns across four groups:
1. Those who remain active in religion
2. Those who leave religion
3. Those who stay despite considering leaving
4. Those who never identified as religious.

One of May’s key observations is the heightened mental health risk for those who seriously consider leaving their religion but ultimately remain, a group he calls “stayers.” Stayers reported higher levels of depressive symptoms over time compared to individuals who either never considered leaving (stable affiliate), who did leave, or who never identified as religious. In fact, while stayers experienced a slight increase in depressive symptoms, stable affiliates and those who left reported a decrease.

These findings suggest that the decision to stay within a religious institution, even amid doubts or conflicting beliefs, may create an inner conflict that negatively impacts mental health. The data suggest that religious doubt and a sense of religious disconnection may overshadow the traditional mental health benefits often associated with religious affiliation. These benefits can include a sense of stability and purpose, health-enhancing lifestyle choices (such as abstinence from substances), and social-emotional support. May’s research aligns with the idea that the stress of internal conflict, especially when it concerns one’s values or beliefs, can diminish the mental health support that religion is traditionally thought to provide.

These insights underscore the importance of exploring the complex intersection of identity, belief, and mental well-being in the context of religious affiliation and disaffiliation. Future research could investigate these effects further, examining how factors like specific religious traditions and community dynamics influence mental health outcomes, as well as the motivations behind choosing to stay or leave religious communities.

Q&A WITH THE AUTHOR: DR. MATTHEW MAY

Q: What motivated you to pursue this research?
A: My own experience growing up in a conservative Protestant environment (and never feeling closely
connected with the beliefs or community that came with that environment) sparked my initial interest in
religious doubt. After looking at the existing research on religious doubt and mental health, it was clear there were many areas for additional research. One such area was the need for longitudinal data on people with religious doubts. The PALS dataset presented an opportunity to examine the impact of religious doubt on mental health over time, but it also presented an opportunity to compare people who drop out of religion altogether and people who stay.

Q: Were there any findings you would highlight?
A: The key finding in my paper is that an (in)congruence between beliefs and affiliation is closely tied to mental well-being. When individuals consider dropping out of religion, they generally experience better mental health outcomes when they leave (compared to those who stay). People who never consider dropping out of religion also tend to have better mental health outcomes than people who consider dropping out but decide to stay. It is the incongruence between belief (i.e., thinking about dropping out) and affiliation (staying) that creates the worst health outcomes on the measures available in the PALS dataset (feelings of depression, hopelessness, and worthlessness).

Q: Were there any findings that surprised you?
A: My findings are largely consistent with prior research showing a curvilinear relationship between religion and mental health. That is, the most religious are generally fine. The least religious are generally fine. And the people in the middle tend to have the worst health outcomes. Of course, earlier studies were cross-sectional and only focused on religious doubt. My study is longitudinal and focuses on behaviors (staying v. leaving), yet the pattern is largely the same.

Q: What were the main challenges/limitations you encountered when conducting your research?
A: There are few longitudinal studies with sufficient data on religion. The PALS dataset is not without its own limitations: a 6 year gap between waves, a predominantly Christian sample, and limited measures of mental health. Nevertheless, it was/is the best dataset available to answer my research question, and the research is an important part of the growing body of research on religion and well-being generally, and religious disaffiliation and mental health, more specifically.

Q: How might future research build on your findings?
A: We need more qualitative research on the “why?” behind my findings. Do people who stay experience worse
mental health outcomes because of their own doubts? Are they treated differently in their religious
communities? Do people who leave find social connections in new communities that may help improve their
mental health? Will the experiences of women and men who drop out of religion altogether improve as the
number of unaffiliated Americans continues to grow? How might the experiences of people in non-Christian
groups differ? There is limited quantitative data available to answer these questions, but before a large survey
can even address these questions, we need more qualitative work


Increased wellbeing from social interaction in a secular congregation

Authors: Michael Price & Jacques Launay
Publication Journal: Secularism and Nonreligion, (7)1: 2018

A recent study explored whether secular congregations, like the Sunday Assembly, can provide the
mental health benefits often associated with traditional religious gatherings, such as increased life
satisfaction, reduced loneliness, and stronger social bonds. A typical Sunday Assembly service lasts about
an hour and follows a structured format, typically occurring twice monthly. Services include an
introductory speech, group singing of popular songs (often with a live band or choir), a poetry reading, a
TED-style guest talk, and an inspirational personal story. Beyond the main services, the Sunday Assembly
offers frequent small-group activities based on shared interests, allowing for more personal, face-to-face
interactions.

The study involved 92 participants, primarily from the U.S. (53%) and the U.K. (41%), with smaller
representation from Australia (6%) and Canada (1%). Most were White (91%), with smaller percentages
identifying as Hispanic/Latino (5%) and other races (4%). Participants ranged in age from 23 to 73
(average age 45), with 58% identifying as women. Over six months, participants completed monthly
online surveys measuring wellbeing, loneliness, and the number of close relationships, alongside their
engagement in Sunday Assembly and other social activities.

Researchers found that participation in Sunday Assembly small-group activities positively impacted
overall wellbeing, particularly among men. In contrast, regular attendance at Sunday services and
participation in non-Sunday Assembly social activities (such as sports or volunteer groups) did not
significantly correlate with improved wellbeing. In addition, Sunday Assembly participation had no
significant effect on loneliness. Participants reported that 16% of their close relationships were with
people they met through the Assembly, suggesting it serves as a meaningful source of social connection.

Informal socializing before and after services, like chatting over refreshments or helping with setup,
emerged as key moments for forming friendships and fostering a sense of belonging. These unstructured
interactions were identified by participants as more impactful than formal aspects of the service.
However, one structured component, group singing, stood out as especially valuable for cultivating a
sense of community.

The study suggests that secular communities like the Sunday Assembly can provide some of the social
and emotional benefits similar to those found in religious congregations, particularly through direct,
small group engagement. These groups may support the wellbeing of individuals who do not engage in
traditional religious settings. Still, further research is needed to understand how such communities can
be improved to provide greater emotional, physical, and practical benefits to members. Future studies
should also examine how secular congregations can better engage diverse communities.

Thinking of your own experiences, have you found a sense of community or support in
non-traditional settings, like a hobby group or secular-focused organization? Join the discussion in our Changemakers’ group